PLAYBOY: What was your next organizational
effort after your success in Back of the Yards?
ALINSKY: Well, in the aftermath
of Back of the Yards, a lot of people who'd said it couldn't be done were
patting me on the back, but none of them were offering any concrete support
for similar organizational efforts. Then in 1940 Bishop Sheil brought me
together with Marshall Field III, one of those rare birds, a millionaire
with a genuine social .conscience. There was a funny kind of chemistry
between us right from the beginning, and Field became really enthusiastic
about what I was trying to do. And what's more, unlike a lot of do-gooding
fat cats, he was willing to put his money where his mouth was. He gave
me a grant that would allow me the freedom and mobility to repeat the Back
of the Yards pattern in other communities, and with his money I established
the Industrial Areas Foundation in Chicago, which is still my primary base
of operations. Between Field and Sheil, I got $10,000 as an annual budget
for salary, office, staff and travel expenses. Those were the days! I started
moving across the country, working in different slum areas and forming
cadres of volunteer organizers to carry the work on when I'd left. Those
were pretty hectic times; I remember I had cards made up reading, "HAVE
TROUBLE, WILL TRAVEL."
PLAYBOY: Did you run into much trouble
yourself?
ALINSKY: Yeah, I was about as
popular as the plague. I used to save on hotel bills, because the minute
I'd arrive in a new town the cops would slap me right in jail. There wasn't
any crap about habeas corpus and the rights of the accused in those days;
if they thought you were a troublemaker, they just threw you behind bars,
and nobody bothered to read you your constitutional rights. I really used
to enjoy jail, though. When you jail a radical, you're playing right into
his hands. One result is that the inherent conflict between the haves and
the have-nots is underlined and dramatized, and another is that it terrifically
strengthens your position with the people you're trying to organize. They
say, "Shit, that guy cares enough about us to go to jail for us. We can't
let him down now." So they make a martyr out of you at no higher cost than
a few days or weeks of cruddy food and a little inaction.
And actually, that inaction itself is
a valuable gift to a revolutionary. When you're out in the arena all the
time, you're constantly on the run, racing from one fight to another and
from one community to another. Most of the time you don't have any opportunity
for reflection and contemplation; you never get outside of yourself enough
to gain a real perspective and insight into your own tactics and strategy.
In the Bible the prophets could at least go out into the wilderness and
get themselves together, but about the only free time I ever had was on
a sleeper train between towns, and I was generally so knocked out by the
end of the day I'd just pass out the minute my head hit the pillow. So
my wilderness, like that of all radicals, turned out to be jail.
It was really great; there weren't any
phones and, outside of one hour every day, you didn't get any visitors.
Your jailers were generally so stupid you wouldn't want to talk to 'em
anyway, and since your surroundings were so drab and depressing, your only
escape was into your own mind and imagination. Look at Martin Luther King;
it was only in Montgomery jail that he had the uninterrupted time to think
out thoroughly the wider implications of his bus boycott, and later on
his philosophy deepened and widened during his time in prison in Birmingham,
as he wrote in "Letter from a Birmingham Jail." So jail is an invaluable
training ground for radicals.
PLAYBOY: It also removes you from active
participation in your cause.
ALINSKY: Oh, I'm predicating
this on the jail sentence being no more than two months at the maximum.
The problem you face with a heavy sentence is that you're knocked out of
action for too long and can lose your touch, and there's also the danger
that if you're gone from the fight long enough, everybody will forget about
you. Hell, if they'd given Jesus life instead of crucifying him, people
would probably be lighting candles to Zeus today. But a relatively short
jail term is a wonderful opportunity to think about what you're doing and
why, where you're headed and how you can get there better and faster. It's
in jail that you can reflect and synthesize your ideas, formulate your
long-term goals with detachment and objectivity and shape your philosophy.
Jail certainly played an important role
in my own case. After Back of the Yards, one of our toughest fights was
Kansas City, where we were trying to organize a really foul slum called
the Bottoms. The minute I'd get out of the Union Station and start walking
down the main drag, a squad car would pull up and they'd take me off to
jail as a public nuisance. I was never booked; they'd just courteously
lock me up. They'd always give me a pretty fair shake In jail, though,
a private cell and decent treatment, and it was there I started writing
my first book, Reveille
for Radicals. Sometimes the guards would come in when I was working
and say, "OK, Alinsky, you can go now," and I'd look up from my papers
and say, "Look, I'm in the middle of the chapter. I'll tell you when I
want out." I think that was the first and only time they had a prisoner
anxious not to be released. After a few times like that, word reached the
police chief of this nut who loved jail, and one day he came around to
see me. Despite our political differences, we began to hit it off and soon
became close friends. Now that he and I were buddies, he stopped pickin'
me up, which was too bad -- I had another book in mind -- but I'll always
be grateful to him for giving me a place to digest my experiences. And
I was able to turn his head around on the issues, too; pretty soon he did
a hundred percent somersault and became prolabor right down the line. We
eventually organized successfully and won our major demands in Kansas City,
and his changed attitude was a big help to that victory.
PLAYBOY: Where did you go after Kansas
City?
ALINSKY: I divided my time between
a half-dozen slum communities we were organizing, but then we entered World
War Two, and the menace of fascism was the overpowering issue at that point,
so I felt Hitler's defeat took temporary precedence over domestic issues.
I worked on special assignment for the Treasury and Labor Departments;
my job was to increase industrial production in conjunction with the C.I.O.
and also to organize mass war-bond drives across the country. It was relatively
tame work for me, but I was consoled by the thought I was having some impact
on the war effort, however small.
PLAYBOY: You didn't think of fighting
Hitler with a gun?
ALINSKY: Join the Army? No, I'd
have made a lousy soldier. I hate discipline too much. But before Pearl
Harbor, I was offered a commission in the OSS. From what little I was told,
it sounded right up my alley; none of the discipline and regimentation
I loathed. Apparently General "Wild Bill" Donovan thought my experience
in fighting domestic fascism could have an application to the resistance
movements we were supporting behind enemy lines. I agreed. I was really
excited; I pictured myself in a trench coat and beret, parachuting into
occupied France and working with the maquis against the Nazis. But it wasn't
meant to be. The Assistant Secretary of State blocked my commission because
he felt I could make a better contribution in labor affairs, ensuring high
production, resolving worker-management disputes, that sort of thing. Important,
sure, but prosaic beside the cloak-and-dagger stuff. I've got to admit
that one of the very, very few regrets I have in life was being blocked
from joining the OSS. |